thinking him beneath her, and in the periphrastick language of the
Highlanders and the Irish, said warmly, 'Though I washed your father's
son's feet, why should I wash his father's son's feet?' She was however
persuaded to do it.
They then went to bed, and slept for some time; and when Malcolm awaked,
he was told that Mr. John M'Kinnon, his brother-in-law, was in sight. He
sprang out to talk to him before he should see Prince Charles. After
saluting him, Malcolm, pointing to the sea, said, 'What, John, if the
prince should be prisoner on board one of those tenders?' 'GOD forbid!'
replied John. 'What if we had him here?' said Malcolm. 'I wish we had,'
answered John; 'we should take care of him.' 'Well, John,' said Malcolm,
'he is in your house.' John, in a transport of joy, wanted to run
directly in, and pay his obeisance; but Malcolm stopped him, saying,
'Now is your time to behave well, and do nothing that can discover him.'
John composed himself, and having sent away all his servants upon
different errands, he was introduced into the presence of his guest, and
was then desired to go and get ready a boat lying near his house, which,
though but a small leaky one, they resolved to take, rather than go to
the Laird of M'Kinnon. John M'Kinnon, however, thought otherwise; and
upon his return told them, that his Chief and lady M'Kinnon were coming
in the laird's boat. Prince Charles said to his trusty Malcolm, 'I am
sorry for this, but must make the best of it.' M'Kinnon then walked up
from the shore, and did homage to the Wanderer. His lady waited in a
cave, to which they all repaired, and were entertained with cold meat
and wine. Mr. Malcolm M'Leod being now superseded by the Laird of
M'Kinnon, desired leave to return, which was granted him, and Prince
Charles wrote a short note, which he subscribed _James Thompson_,
informing his friends that he had got away from Sky, and thanking them
for their kindness; and he desired this might be speedily conveyed to
young Rasay and Dr. Macleod, that they might not wait longer in
expectation of seeing him again. He bade a cordial adieu to Malcolm, and
insisted on his accepting of a silver stock-buckle, and ten guineas from
his purse, though, as Malcolm told me, it did not appear to contain
above forty. Malcolm at first begged to be excused, saying, that he had
a few guineas at his service; but Prince Charles answered, 'You will
have need of money. I shall get enough when I come upon the main land.'
The Laird of M'Kinnon then conveyed him to the opposite coast of
Knoidart. Old Rasay, to whom intelligence had been sent, was crossing at
the same time to Sky; but as they did not know of each other, and each
had apprehensions, the two boats kept aloof.
These are the particulars which I have collected concerning the
extraordinary concealment and escapes of Prince Charles, in the
Hebrides. He was often in imminent danger.[556] The troops traced him
from the Long Island, across Sky, to Portree, but there lost him.
Here I stop,--having received no farther authentick information of his
fatigues and perils before he escaped to France. Kings and subjects may
both take a lesson of moderation from the melancholy fate of the House
of Stuart; that Kings may not suffer degradation and exile, and subjects
may not be harassed by the evils of a disputed succession.
Let me close the scene on that unfortunate House with the elegant and
pathetick reflections of _Voltaire_, in his _Histoire Generale_:--
'Que les hommes prives (says that brilliant writer, speaking of Prince
Charles) qui se croyent malheureux, jettent les yeux sur ce prince et
ses ancetres.'[557] In another place he thus sums up the sad story of
the family in general:--
'Il n'y a aucun exemple dans l'histoire d'une maison si longtems
infortunee. Le premier des Rois d'Ecosse, [ses aieux] qui eut le nom de
_Jacques_, apres avoir ete dix-huit ans prisonnier en Angleterre, mourut
assassine, avec sa femme, par la main de ses sujets. _Jacques_ II, son
fils, fut tue a vingt-neuf ans en combattant contre les Anglois.
_Jacques_ III, mis en prison par son peuple, fut tue ensuite par les
revoltes, dans une bataille. _Jacques_ IV, perit dans un combat qu'il
perdit. _Marie Stuart_, sa petite-fille, chassee de son trone, fugitive
en Angleterre, ayant langui dix-huit ans en prison, se vit condamnee a
mort par des juges Anglais, et eut la tete tranchee. _Charles_ Ier,
petit-fils de _Marie_, Roi d'Ecosse et d'Angleterre, vendu par les
Ecossois, et juge a mort par les Anglais, mourut sur un echafaud dans la
place publique. _Jacques_, son fils, septieme du nom, et deuxieme en
Angleterre, fut chasse de ses trois royaumes; et pour comble de malheur
on contesta a son fils [jusqu'a] sa naissance. Ce fils ne tenta de
remonter sur le trone de ses peres, que pour faire perir ses amis par
des bourreaux; et nous avons vu le Prince _Charles Edouard_, reunissant
en vain les vertus de ses peres[558] et le courage du Roi _Jean
Sobieski_, son aieul maternel, executer les exploits et essuyer les
malheurs les plus incroyables. Si quelque chose justifie ceux qui
croient une fatalite a laquelle rien ne peut se soustraire, c'est cette
suite continuelle de malheurs qui a persecute la maison de _Stuart_,
pendant plus de trois cents annees.'[559]
The gallant Malcolm was apprehended in about ten days after they
separated, put aboard a ship and carried prisoner to London. He said,
the prisoners in general were very ill treated in their passage; but
there were soldiers on board who lived well, and sometimes invited him
to share with them: that he had the good fortune not to be thrown into
jail, but was confined in the house of a messenger, of the name of Dick.
To his astonishment, only one witness could be found against him, though
he had been so openly engaged; and therefore, for want of sufficient
evidence, he was set at liberty. He added, that he thought himself in
such danger, that he would gladly have compounded for banishment[560].
Yet, he said, 'he should never be so ready for death as he then
was[561].' There is philosophical truth in this. A man will meet death
much more firmly at one time than another. The enthusiasm even of a
mistaken principle warms the mind, and sets it above the fear of death;
which in our cooler moments, if we really think of it, cannot but be
terrible, or at least very awful.
Miss Flora Macdonald being then also in London, under the protection of
Lady Primrose[562], that lady provided a post-chaise to convey her to
Scotland, and desired she might choose any friend she pleased to
accompany her. She chose Malcolm. 'So (said he, with a triumphant air) I
went to London to be hanged, and returned in a post-chaise with Miss
Flora Macdonald.'
Mr. Macleod of Muiravenside, whom we saw at Rasay, assured us that
Prince Charles was in London in 1759[563], and that there was then a
plan in agitation for restoring his family. Dr. Johnson could scarcely
credit this story, and said, there could be no probable plan at that
time. Such an attempt could not have succeeded, unless the King of
Prussia had stopped the army in Germany; for both the army and the fleet
would, even without orders, have fought for the King, to whom they had
engaged themselves.
Having related so many particulars concerning the grandson of the
unfortunate King James the Second; having given due praise to fidelity
and generous attachment, which, however erroneous the judgment may be,
are honourable for the heart; I must do the Highlanders the justice to
attest, that I found every where amongst them a high opinion of the
virtues of the King now upon the throne, and an honest disposition to be
faithful subjects to his majesty, whose family has possessed the
sovereignty of this country so long, that a change, even for the
abdicated family, would now hurt the best feelings of all his subjects.
The _abstract_ point of _right_ would involve us in a discussion of
remote and perplexed questions; and after all, we should have no clear
principle of decision. That establishment, which, from political
necessity, took place in 1688, by a breach in the succession of our
kings, and which, whatever benefits may have accrued from it, certainly
gave a shock to our monarchy,[564]--the able and constitutional
Blackstone wisely rests on the solid footing of authority. 'Our
ancestors having most indisputably a competent jurisdiction to decide
this great and important question, and having, in fact, decided it, it
is now become our duty, at this distance of time, to acquiesce in their
determination.[565]'
Mr. Paley, the present Archdeacon of Carlisle, in his _Principles of
Moral and Political Philosophy_, having, with much clearness of
argument, shewn the duty of submission to civil government to be founded
neither on an indefeasible _jus divinum_, nor on _compact_, but on
_expediency_, lays down this rational position:--
'Irregularity in the first foundation of a state, or subsequent
violence, fraud, or injustice, in getting possession of the supreme
power, are not sufficient reasons for resistance, after the government
is once peaceably settled. No subject of the _British_ empire conceives
himself engaged to vindicate the justice of the _Norman_ claim or
conquest, or apprehends that his duty in any manner depends upon that
controversy. So likewise, if the house of _Lancaster_, or even the
posterity of _Cromwell_, had been at this day seated upon the throne of
_England_, we should have been as little concerned to enquire how the
founder of the family came there[566].' In conformity with this
doctrine, I myself, though fully persuaded that the House of _Stuart_
had originally no right to the crown of _Scotland_; for that _Baliol_,
and not _Bruce_, was the lawful heir; should yet have thought it very
culpable to have rebelled, on that account, against Charles the First,
or even a prince of that house much nearer the time, in order to assert
the claim of the posterity of Baliol.
However convinced I am of the justice of that principle, which holds
allegiance and protection to be reciprocal, I do however acknowledge,
that I am not satisfied with the cold sentiment which would confine the
exertions of the subject within the strict line of duty. I would have
every breast animated with the _fervour_ of loyalty[567]; with that
generous attachment which delights in doing somewhat more than is
required, and makes 'service perfect freedom[568].' And, therefore, as
our most gracious Sovereign, on his accession to the throne, gloried in
being _born a Briton_[569]; so, in my more private sphere, _Ego me nunc_
denique natum, _gratulor_[570]. I am happy that a disputed succession no
longer distracts our minds; and that a monarchy, established by law, is
now so sanctioned by time, that we can fully indulge those feelings of
loyalty which I am ambitious to excite. They are feelings which have
ever actuated the inhabitants of the Highlands and the Hebrides. The
plant of loyalty is there in full vigour, and the Brunswick graft now
flourishes like a native shoot. To that spirited race of people I may
with propriety apply the elegant lines of a modern poet, on the 'facile
temper of the beauteous sex[571]:'--
'Like birds new-caught, who flutter for a time,
And struggle with captivity in vain;
But by-and-by they rest, they smooth their plumes,
And to _new masters_ sing their former notes[572].'
Surely such notes are much better than the querulous growlings of
suspicious Whigs and discontented Republicans.
* * * * *
Kingsburgh conducted us in his boat across one of the lochs, as they
call them, or arms of the sea, which flow in upon all the coasts of
Sky,--to a mile beyond a place called _Grishinish_. Our horses had been
sent round by land to meet us. By this sail we saved eight miles of bad
riding. Dr. Johnson said, 'When we take into computation what we have
saved, and what we have gained, by this agreeable sail, it is a great
deal.' He observed, 'it is very disagreeable riding in Sky. The way is
so narrow, one only at a time can travel, so it is quite unsocial; and
you cannot indulge in meditation by yourself, because you must be always
attending to the steps which your horse takes.' This was a just and
clear description of its inconveniences.
The topick of emigration being again introduced[573], Dr. Johnson said,
that 'a rapacious chief would make a wilderness of his estate.' Mr.
Donald M'Queen told us, that the oppression, which then made so much
noise, was owing to landlords listening to bad advice in the letting of
their lands; that interested and designed[574] people flattered them
with golden dreams of much higher rents than could reasonably be paid:
and that some of the gentlemen _tacksmen_[575], or upper tenants, were
themselves in part the occasion of the mischief, by over-rating the
farms of others. That many of the _tacksmen_, rather than comply with
exorbitant demands, had gone off to America, and impoverished the
country, by draining it of its wealth; and that their places were filled
by a number of poor people, who had lived under them, properly speaking,
as servants, paid by a certain proportion of the produce of the lands,
though called sub-tenants. I observed, that if the men of substance were
once banished from a Highland estate, it might probably be greatly
reduced in its value; for one bad year might ruin a set of poor tenants,
and men of any property would not settle in such a country, unless from
the temptation of getting land extremely cheap; for an inhabitant of any
good county in Britain, had better go to America than to the Highlands
or the Hebrides. Here, therefore, was a consideration that ought to
induce a Chief to act a more liberal part, from a mere motive of
interest, independent of the lofty and honourable principle of keeping a
clan together, to be in readiness to serve his king. I added, that I
could not help thinking a little arbitrary power in the sovereign, to
control the bad policy and greediness of the Chiefs, might sometimes be
of service. In France a Chief would not be permitted to force a number
of the king's subjects out of the country. Dr. Johnson concurred with
me, observing, that 'were an oppressive chieftain a subject of the
French king, he would probably be admonished by a _letter_.[576]'
During our sail, Dr. Johnson asked about the use of the dirk, with which
he imagined the Highlanders cut their meat. He was told, they had a
knife and fork besides, to eat with. He asked, how did the women do? and
was answered, some of them had a knife and fork too; but in general the
men, when they had cut their meat, handed their knives and forks to the
women, and they themselves eat with their fingers. The old tutor of
Macdonald always eat fish with his fingers, alledging that a knife and
fork gave it a bad taste. I took the liberty to observe to Dr. Johnson,
that he did so. 'Yes, said he; but it is because I am short-sighted, and
afraid of bones, for which reason I am not fond of eating many kinds of
fish, because I must use my fingers.'
Dr. M'Pherson's _Dissertations on Scottish Antiquities_, which he had
looked at when at Corrichatachin[577], being mentioned, he remarked,
that 'you might read half an hour, and ask yourself what you had been
reading: there were so many words to so little matter, that there was no
getting through the book.'
As soon as we reached the shore, we took leave of Kingsburgh, and
mounted our horses. We passed through a wild moor, in many places so
soft that we were obliged to walk, which was very fatiguing to Dr.
Johnson. Once he had advanced on horseback to a very bad step. There
was a steep declivity on his left, to which he was so near, that there
was not room for him to dismount in the usual way. He tried to alight on
the other side, as if he had been a _young buck_ indeed, but in the
attempt he fell at his length upon the ground; from which, however, he
got up immediately without being hurt. During this dreary ride, we were
sometimes relieved by a view of branches of the sea, that universal
medium of connection amongst mankind. A guide, who had been sent with us
from Kingsburgh, explored the way (much in the same manner as, I
suppose, is pursued in the wilds of America,) by observing certain marks
known only to the inhabitants. We arrived at Dunvegan late in the
afternoon. The great size of the castle, which is partly old and partly
new, and is built upon a rock close to the sea, while the land around it
presents nothing but wild, moorish, hilly, and craggy appearances, gave
a rude magnificence to the scene. Having dismounted, we ascended a
flight of steps, which was made by the late Macleod, for the
accommodation of persons coming to him by land, there formerly being,
for security, no other access to the castle but from the sea; so that
visitors who came by the land were under the necessity of getting into a
boat, and sailed round to the only place where it could be approached.
We were introduced into a stately dining-room, and received by Lady
Macleod, mother of the laird, who, with his friend Talisker, having been
detained on the road, did not arrive till some time after us.
We found the lady of the house a very polite and sensible woman, who had
lived for some time in London, and had there been in Dr. Johnson's
company. After we had dined, we repaired to the drawing-room, where some
of the young ladies of the family, with their mother, were at tea[578].
This room had formerly been the bed-chamber of Sir Roderick Macleod, one
of the old Lairds; and he chose it, because, behind it, there was a
considerable cascade[579], the sound of which disposed him to sleep.
Above his bed was this inscription: 'Sir Rorie M'Leod of Dunvegan,
Knight. GOD send good rest!' Rorie is the contraction of Roderick. He
was called Rorie _More_, that is, great Rorie, not from his size, but
from his spirit. Our entertainment here was in so elegant a style, and
reminded my fellow-traveller so much of England, that he became quite
joyous. He laughed, and said, 'Boswell, we came in at the wrong end of
this island.' 'Sir, (said I,) it was best to keep this for the last.' He
answered, 'I would have it both first and last.'
TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 14.
Dr. Johnson said in the morning, 'Is not this a fine lady[580]?' There
was not a word now of his 'impatience to be in civilized
life[581];--though indeed I should beg pardon,--he found it here. We had
slept well, and lain long. After breakfast we surveyed the castle, and
the garden. Mr. Bethune, the parish minister,--Magnus M'Leod, of
Claggan, brother to Talisker, and M'Leod of Bay, two substantial
gentlemen of the clan, dined with us. We had admirable venison, generous
wine; in a word, all that a good table has. This was really the hall of
a chief. Lady M'Leod had been much obliged to my father, who had settled
by arbitration a variety of perplexed claims between her and her
relation, the Laird of Brodie, which she now repaid by particular
attention to me. M'Leod started the subject of making women do penance
in the church for fornication. JOHNSON. 'It is right, Sir. Infamy is
attached to the crime, by universal opinion, as soon as it is known. I
would not be the man who would discover it, if I alone knew it, for a
woman may reform; nor would I commend a parson who divulges a woman's
first offence; but being once divulged, it ought to be infamous.
Consider, of what importance to society the chastity of women is. Upon
that all the property in the world depends[582]. We hang a thief for
stealing a sheep; but the unchastity of a woman transfers sheep, and
farm and all, from the right owner. I have much more reverence for a
common prostitute than for a woman who conceals her guilt. The
prostitute is known. She cannot deceive: she cannot bring a strumpet
into the arms of an honest man, without his knowledge. BOSWELL. 'There
is, however, a great difference between the licentiousness of a single
woman, and that of a married woman.' JOHNSON. 'Yes, Sir; there is a
great difference between stealing a shilling, and stealing a thousand
pounds; between simply taking a man's purse, and murdering him first,
and then taking it. But when one begins to be vicious, it is easy to go
on. Where single women are licentious, you rarely find faithful married
women.' BOSWELL. 'And yet we are told that in some nations in India, the
distinction is strictly observed.' JOHNSON. 'Nay, don't give us India.
That puts me in mind of Montesquieu, who is really a fellow of genius
too in many respects; whenever he wants to support a strange opinion, he
quotes you the practice of Japan or of some other distant country of
which he knows nothing. To support polygamy, he tells you of the island
of Formosa, where there are ten women born for one man[583]. He had but
to suppose another island, where there are ten men born for one woman,
and so make a marriage between them.[584]' At supper, Lady Macleod
mentioned Dr. Cadogan's book on the gout[585]. JOHNSON. 'It is a good
book in general, but a foolish one in particulars. It is good in
general, as recommending temperance and exercise, and cheerfulness. In
that respect it is only Dr. Cheyne's book told in a new way; and there
should come out such a book every thirty years, dressed in the mode of
the times. It is foolish, in maintaining that the gout is not
hereditary, and that one fit of it, when gone, is like a fever when
gone.' Lady Macleod objected that the author does not practise what he
teaches[586]. JOHNSON. 'I cannot help that, madam. That does not make
his book the worse. People are influenced more by what a man says, if
his practice is suitable to it,--because they are blockheads. The more
intellectual people are, the readier will they attend to what a man
tells them. If it is just, they will follow it, be his practice what it
will. No man practises so well as he writes. I have, all my life long,
been lying till noon[587]; yet I tell all young men, and tell them with
great sincerity, that nobody who does not rise early will ever do any
good. Only consider! You read a book; you are convinced by it; you do
not know the authour. Suppose you afterwards know him, and find that he
does not practise what he teaches; are you to give up your former
conviction? At this rate you would be kept in a state of equilibrium,
when reading every book, till you knew how the authour practised.[588]'
'But,' said Lady M'Leod, 'you would think better of Dr. Cadogan, if he
acted according to his principles.' JOHNSON. 'Why, Madam, to be sure, a
man who acts in the face of light, is worse than a man who does not know
so much; yet I think no man should be the worse thought of for
publishing good principles. There is something noble in publishing
truth, though it condemns one's self.[589]' I expressed some surprize at
Cadogan's recommending good humour, as if it were quite in our own power
to attain it. JOHNSON. 'Why, Sir, a man grows better humoured as he
grows older. He improves by experience. When young, he thinks himself of
great consequence, and every thing of importance. As he advances in
life, he learns to think himself of no consequence, and little things of
little importance; and so he becomes more patient, and better pleased.
All good-humour and complaisance are acquired. Naturally a child seizes
directly what it sees, and thinks of pleasing itself only. By degrees,
it is taught to please others, and to prefer others; and that this will
ultimately produce the greatest happiness. If a man is not convinced of
that, he never will practise it. Common language speaks the truth as to
this: we say, a person is well _bred_. As it is said, that all material
motion is primarily in a right line, and is never _per circuitum_, never
in another form, unless by some particular cause; so it may be said
intellectual motion is.' Lady M'Leod asked, if no man was naturally
good? JOHNSON. 'No, Madam, no more than a wolf.' BOSWELL. 'Nor no woman,
Sir?' JOHNSON. 'No, Sir.[590]' Lady M'Leod started at this, saying, in a
low voice, 'This is worse than Swift.'
M'Leod of Ulinish had come in the afternoon. We were a jovial company at
supper. The Laird, surrounded by so many of his clan, was to me a
pleasing sight. They listened with wonder and pleasure, while Dr.
Johnson harangued. I am vexed that I cannot take down his full strain of
eloquence.
WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15.
The gentlemen of the clan went away early in the morning to the harbour
of Lochbradale, to take leave of some of their friends who were going to
America. It was a very wet day. We looked at Rorie More's horn, which is
