她说你课程都没有瘦身，我说现在我就教你，我看你蛮需要的，她说我老公一起上课，我以为他老公至少有128公斤，结果他老公50公斤，我说我了解你们的问题。
结果三个月以后那个女的变成60公斤，瘦了30多公斤，并且非常健康的瘦下来的，因为她潜意识非常痛恨她90多公斤的身材，她非常痛恨90多公斤的感觉，她潜意识做了一些改变。
你要不要瘦到60多公斤，要你的意愿改变。在座你们有没有说，早上我要早点起床，说了我要更努力，我今天要拜访更多的顾客，2个小时以后焉了，原地不动。我要成功，然后是不成功，这种事我们都干过很多，对不对？
后来我决定不干这种事，我学会了激发我的意愿，你们目前没有达到你想要的成就，你想要的结果，或者实现你的目标和梦想，只有一个原因，你对那个目标的意愿没有到达一定要。只有这一个原因，假如你的意愿已经到达一定要的程度，只有时间因素的问题。
任何让我研究他是比较成功的人，比较领袖级的人，他的意愿通常比别人高的，之后才是方法。方法是第二，意愿是第一。可是大多数人都在找方法。意愿没有到100％，你的改变是不会永久不能持续的，你会今天戒烟，但一年之后你又开始抽了。
OK，现在我们要教他一种永久性的方法。我要让你了解，环境的重要性。你瘦到64公斤的时候，你就不可能跟80多公斤的人在一起了。你了解我的意思，你跟80公斤的人在一起，你就会变成他们一样的，要减肥不能跟胖子在一起。
你们每一天都需要了解，今天有一个人成为第一流的营销人员，表示他一定要，他不是想要。
今天有一个人成为亿万富翁，他是一定要，他不是想要。今天有人达成任何的目标，都是他的意愿比你高，你跟他们在一起，你才会变成他们一样。
最伟大的篮球明星，迈克尔乔丹，我现场去美国看NBA的篮球，他是篮球之神。我花了1500美金看，头等舱8000美金，加起来95000美金看两个半小时，坐飞机来回36个小时，因为我知道他打完这一场他可能会退休的。
我坐在公牛队老板的后面，我看他练球，我看他练球就知道他是不是成功的人，比赛就是看练习，练习怎么打，比赛也是打，每个人都在耍球，可我看到他只站在罚球线练球，就这么丢，每球都进，他只在罚球线练球，最后最后一球都是在罚球线丢球的。
他了解赢球的秘诀是罚球线，大家不可能让他轻易上篮，把他挡在外面，挡在外面不可能丢很远的球，因为命中率不高， 所以他一定是在罚球线附近，他还是站在罚球线，他练二十分钟，他只练罚球球线，他非常了解成功的关键。
我以前是高中篮球队，他当时连高中篮球队都没有打。他受到他教练的影响，他跑去问我为什么不被录取？教练说：你的身高不够，你的技术太嫩了。
他对教练说，你让我在这个球队练球，我不出比赛，但是我愿意帮所有的球员拎球带，帮他们擦汗，他说我不需要上场，我只求我跟球队练球，我要有跟他们切蹉球技的机会。
结果后来教练看到这个人这么想成功，就让他和他们一起，比赛一完他真的去帮他们擦汗。
你可以想一下，跑龙套，全世界最伟大的篮球明星是这样开始的。
然后有一次，早上八点的时候， 清洁工整理场地，他看到一个黑人球员躺在地上，他苏醒过来说，哦，我叫迈克尔乔丹，我昨天晚上在这里练球太累了，就睡在球场里面。
所以迈克尔乔丹不止跟球队一起练球，球队练完球以后他还一个人练球，他累得睡在球场里面，结果，这个迈克尔乔丹的身高198公分，迈克尔乔丹他们全家没有一人超过180公分，他父亲觉得奇怪，为什么全家只有他长得这么高，他父亲说迈克尔乔丹想要成功的企图心让他长到198公分，长高靠企图心。这是真实的故事。
迈克尔乔丹到大学的时候，读美国最有名的大学，他就在这个学校，这个学校的教练是全美国大学最严格的。有一次比赛以后，教练请他到休息室，放录像带给他看。
结果迈克差点给教练下跪，他说：教练，对不起，我知道我的问题在这里，进攻的时候我说球给我，从而得分，防守的时候你去防守，你去防守。他看自己这样一个习惯，他很惭愧，之后他开始练习防守。
是因为他加入一个成功的环境，假如他没有这个教练指导，他不会这么成功的。所有的人都是被启发的。
美国克林顿在17岁的时候遇到肯尼迪总统，后来决定当总统，可是克林顿在还没有见到甘那地总统之前，克林顿是读音乐系，吹萨克斯管的，遇到一个不同的人，结果克林顿开始做政治家，我时常在幻想克林顿遇到猫王怎么办？
一个人的命运决定于他的环境。
这两天课程，你可以为你自己做最重要的事情，就是加入一个成功的环境。你没有办法在一个不成功的环境而成为成功的人，这是非常困难的，假如可以的话，你可能都七八十岁了，你们都想快一点，所以你一定要加入一个成功的环境，这个是没有例外的。
借鉴别人的经验
卡耐基的一生几乎都在致力于帮助人们克服谈话和演讲中畏惧和胆怯的心理，培养勇气和信心。在“戴尔·卡耐基课程”开课之前，他曾作过一个调查，即让人们说说来上课的原因，以及希望从这种口才演讲训练课中获得什么。调查的结果令人吃惊，大多数人的中心愿望与基本需要都是基本一样的，他们是这样回答的：“当人们要我站起来讲话时，我觉得很不自在，很害怕，使我不能清晰地思考，不能集中精力，不知道自己要说的是什么。所以，我想获得自信，能泰然自若，当众站起并能随心所欲地思考，能依逻辑次序归纳自己的思想，在公共场所或社交人士的面前侃侃而谈，富有哲理且又让人信服。”卡耐基认为，要达到这种效果，获
得当众演讲的技巧，应当从以下几个方面入手训练自己。
借别人的经验鼓起勇气。卡耐基认为，不论是处在任何情况、任状态之下，绝没有哪种动物是天生的大众演说家。历史上有些时期，当众讲演是一门精致的艺术，必须谨遵修辞法与优雅的演说方式，因而，要想做个天生的大众演说家那是极其困难的，是经过坚苦努力才能达到的。现在我们却把当众演说看成一种扩大的交谈。以前那种说话、动作俱佳的方式、如雷贯耳的声音已经永远过去。我们与人共进晚餐、在教堂中做礼拜，或看电视、听收音机时，喜欢听到的是率直的言语，依常理而构思，专挚地和我们谈论问题，而不是对着我们空空而谈。
当众演说不是一门闭锁的艺术，并不象许多学校的那样容易学到知识，必须经过多年的美化声音，以及苦学修辞学多年以后才能成功。平常说话轻而易举，只要遵循一些简单的规则就行。对于这一点，卡耐基有深刻的体验。1912年，他在纽约市青年基督协会开始教授学生时，讲授那些低年级的方法，同他在密苏里州的华伦堡上大学时受教的方式大同小异。但是他很快发现，把商界中的大人当成大学新生来教是一种很大的失误，对演说家韦伯斯特、柏克匹特和欧康内尔等一味模仿也毫无裨益。因为学生们所需要的并不是这些，而是在下回的商务会议里能有足够的勇气直起腰来，做一番明确、连贯的报告。于是他就把教科书一古脑儿全抛掉，用一些简单的概念和那些学生互相交流和切嗟，直到他们的报告词达意尽、深得人心为止。这一着果然奏效，因为此后他们一再回来，还想学得更多。
论爱情
The stage is more beholding to love， than the life of man. For as to the stage， love is ever matter of comedies， and now and then of tragedies； but in life it doth much mischief； sometimes like a siren， sometimes like a fury.
舞台上的爱情生活比生活中的爱情要美好得多。因为在舞台上，爱情只是喜剧和悲剧的素材，而在人生中，爱情却常常招来不幸。它有时象那位诱惑人的魔女(1)，有时又象那位复仇的女神(2)。
You may observe， that amongst all the great and worthy persons (whereof the memory remaineth， either ancient or recent) there is not one， that hath been transported to the mad degree of love： which shows that great spirits， and great business， do keep out this weak passion. You must except， nevertheless， Marcus Antonius， the half partner of the empire of Rome， and Appius Claudius， the decemvir and lawgiver； whereof the former was indeed a voluptuous man， and inordinate； but the latter was an austere and wise man： and therefore it seems (though rarely) that love can find entrance， not only into an open heart， but also into a heart well fortified， if watch be not well kept.
你可以看到，一切真正伟大的人物（无论是古人、今人，只要是其英名永铭于人类记忆中的），没有一个是因爱情而发狂的人。因为伟大的事业只有罗马的安东尼和克劳底亚是例外(3)。前者本性就好色荒淫，然而后者却是严肃多谋的人。这说明爱情不仅会占领开旷坦阔的胸怀，有时也能闯入壁垒森严的心灵----假如手御不严的话。
It is a poor saying of Epicurus， Satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus； as if man， made for the contemplation of heaven， and all noble objects， should do nothing but kneel before a little idol， and make himself a subject， though not of the mouth (as beasts are)， yet of the eye； which was given him for higher purposes.
埃辟克拉斯(4)曾说过一句笨话：“人生不过是一座大戏台。”似乎本应努力追求高尚事业的人类，却只应象玩偶般地逢场作戏。虽然爱情的奴隶并不同于那班只顾吃喝的禽兽，但毕竟也只是眼目色相的奴隶，而上帝赐人以眼睛本来是有更高尚的用途的。
It is a strange thing， to note the excess of this passion， and how it braves the nature， and value of things， by this； that the speaking in a perpetual hyperbole， is comely in nothing but in love. Neither is it merely in the phrase； for whereas it hath been well said， that the arch-flatterer， with whom all the petty flatterers have intelligence， is a mans self； certainly the lover is more. For there was never proud man thought so absurdly well of himself， as the lover doth of the person loved； and therefore it was well said， That it is impossible to love， and to be wise. Neither doth this weakness appear to others only， and not to the party loved； but to the loved most of all， except the love be reciproque. For it is a true rule， that love is ever rewarded， either with the reciproque， or with an inward and secret contempt.
过度的爱情追求，必然会降低人本身的价值。例如，只有在爱情中，才总是需要那种浮夸陷媚的词令。而在其他场合，同样的词令只能招人耻笑。古人有一句名言：“最大的奉承，人总是留给自己的。”----只有对情人的奉承要算例外。因为甚至最骄傲的人，也甘愿在情人面前自轻自贱。所以古人说得好：“就是神在爱情中也难保持聪明。”情人的这种弱点不仅在外人眼中是明显的，就是在被追求者的眼中也会很明显----除非她（他）也在追求他（她）。所以，爱情的代价就是如此，不能得到回爱，就会得到一种深藏于心的轻蔑，这是一条永真的定律。
By how much the more， men ought to beware of this passion， which loseth not only other things， but itself！ As for the other losses， the poets relation doth well figure them： that he that preferred Helena， quitted the gifts of Juno and Pallas. For whosoever esteemeth too much of amorous affection， quitteth both riches and wisdom.
由此可见，人们应当十分警惕这种感情。因为它不但会使人丧失其他，而且可以使人丧失自己本身。甚至其他方面的损失，古诗人早告诉我们，那追求海伦的人，是放弃了财富和智慧的(5)。
This passion hath his floods， in very times of weakness； which are great prosperity， and great adversity； though this latter hath been less observed： both which times kindle love， and make it more fervent， and therefore show it to be the child of folly. They do best， who if they cannot but admit love， yet make it keep quarters； and sever it wholly from their serious affairs， and actions， of life； for if it check once with business， it troubleth mens fortunes， and maketh men， that they can no ways be true to their own ends.
由此可见，人们应当十分警惕这种感情。因为它不但会使人丧失其他，而且可以使人丧失自己本身。甚至其他方面的损失，古诗人早告诉我们，那追求海伦的人，是放弃了财富和智慧的(5)。
I know not how， but martial men are given to love： I think， it is but as they are given to wine； for perils commonly ask to be paid in pleasures.
我不懂是什么缘故，使许多军人更容易堕入情网，也许这正象他们嗜爱饮酒一样，是因为危险的生活更需要欢乐的补偿。
There is in mans nature， a secret inclination and motion， towards love of others， which if it be not spent upon some one or a few， doth naturally spread itself towards many， and maketh men become humane and charitable； as it is seen sometime in friars.
人心中可能普遍具有一种博爱倾向，若不集中于某个专一的对象身上，就必然施之于更广泛的大众，使他成为仁善的人，象有的僧侣那样。
Nuptial love maketh mankind； friendly love perfecteth it； but wanton love corrupteth， and embaseth it.
夫妻的爱，使人类繁衍。朋友的爱，给人以帮助。但那荒淫纵欲的爱，却只会使人堕落毁灭啊！
附注：
(1) 古希腊神话，传说地中海有魔女，歌喉动听，诱使过往船只陷入险境。
(2) 原文为“Flries”，传说中的地狱之神。
(3) 安东尼，恺撒部将。后因迷恋女色而战败被杀。克劳底亚，古罗马执政官，亦因好色而被杀。
(4) 埃辟克拉斯（前342--前270年），古罗马哲学家。
(5) 古希腊神话，传说天后赫拉，智慧之神密纳发和美神维纳斯，为争夺金苹果，请特洛伊王子评
判。三神各许一愿， 密纳发许以智慧，维纳斯许以美女海伦，天后许以财富。结果王子把金
苹果给了维纳斯。
赫伯特·胡弗：战争降临欧洲
1939.9.1
演讲者简介：
当美国选民于1928年选举赫伯特·胡弗，一个世界著名的矿业工程师、作家和战争亲善官，当美国第三十一任总统时，美国的工业和金融业正处繁荣时期。然而，他上任后七个月，全国即被世界性的经济萧条所席卷。胡弗保守的经济政策不适于处理这一危机。他任期届满时，全国已有一千二百万人失业。他因这段艰难岁月受到指责，在1932年大选中败下阵来。
Fellow Americans of the radio audience， this is one of the saddest weeks that has come to humanity in a hundred years. A senseless war seems inevitably forced upon hundreds of millions of people. The whole world still prays for some miracle that might deliver us. For war means the killing of millions of the best and the most courageous of men who might contribute something to human progress. It means the killing and starvation of millions of women and children. It means another quarter of a century of impoverishment for the whole world. And it will likely be a long war， it is possible that the brave people of Poland may be overrun in a few months， but there seems no point of access from which an overwhelming attack can be delivered from the British and French on one side， to the Germans on the other， which might quickly end this war. It’s likely to be a war of slow attrition， and the fate of Poland will depend upon its ending. The air defenses of France and England， their greatly superior naval strength， their manpower， resources， their resolution， make it certain that they can defend themselves. And it is true that vast fleets of airplanes on both sides contribute a new and uncertain factor， but there is nothing which proves that even the superiority in airplanes can win the war. And while assurances have been given that there will be no bombing of women and children， there may come a time of desperation when all restraints go to the winds. It’s likely to be the most barbarous war that we have ever known.
This situation is the world today is not the act of the German people themselves， it’s the act of a group who hold them in subjection. The whole Nazi system is repugnant to the American people. The most of American sympathy will be to the democracies， but whatever our sympathies are， we cannot solve the problems of Europe. America must keep out of this war. The President and the Congress should be supported in their every efforts to keep us out. We can keep out， if we have the resolute national will to do so. We can be of more service to Europe and to humanity if we preserve the vitality and strength of the United States for use in the period of peace which must sometime come. And we must keep out if we are to preserve for civilization the very foundations of democracy and of free men.
伯特兰.罗素：Shall We Choose Death？(中英对照)
SHALL WE CHOOSE DEATH？
Bertrand Russell
December 30， 1954
I am speaking not as a Briton， not as a European， not as a member of a western democracy， but as a human being， a member of the species Man， whose continued existence is in doubt. The world is full of conflicts： Jews and Arabs； Indians and Pakistanis； white men and Negroes in Africa； and， overshadowing all minor conflicts， the titanic struggle between communism and anticommunism.
Almost everybody who is politically conscious has strong feelings about one or more of these issues； but I want you， if you can， to set aside such feelings for the moment and consider yourself only as a member of a biological species which has had a remarkable history and whose disappearance none of us can desire. I shall try to say no single word which should appeal to one group rather than to another. All， equally， are in peril， and， if the peril is understood， there is hope that they may collectively avert it. We have to learn to think in a new way. We have to learn to ask ourselves not what steps can be taken to give military victory to whatever group we prefer， for there no longer are such steps. The question we have to ask ourselves is： What steps can be taken to prevent a military contest of which the issue must be disastrous to all sides？
The general public， and even many men in positions of authority， have not realized what would be involved in a war with hydrogen bombs. The general public still thinks in terms of the obliteration of cities. It is understood that the new bombs are more powerful than the old and that， while one atomic bomb could obliterate Hiroshima， one hydrogen bomb could obliterate the largest cities such as London， New York， and Moscow. No doubt in a hydrogen-bomb war great cities would be obliterated. But this is one of the minor disasters that would have to be faced. If everybody in London， New York， and Moscow were exterminated， the world might， in the course of a few centuries， recover from the blow. But we now know， especially since the Bikini test， that hydrogen bombs can gradually spread destruction over a much wider area than had been supposed. It is stated on very good authority that a bomb can now be manufactured which will be 25，000 times as powerful as that which destroyed Hiroshima. Such a bomb， if exploded near the ground or under water， sends radioactive particles into the upper air. They sink gradually and reach the surface of the earth in the form of a deadly dust or rain. It was this dust which infected the Japanese fishermen and their catch of fish although they were outside what American experts believed to be the danger zone. No one knows how widely such lethal radioactive particles might be diffused， but the best authorities are unanimous in saying that a war with hydrogen bombs is quite likely to put an end to the human race. It is feared that if many hydrogen bombs are used there will be universal death - sudden only for a fortunate minority， but for the majority a slow torture of disease and disintegration...
Here， then， is the problem which I present to you， stark and dreadful and inescapable： Shall we put an end to the human race1 or shall mankind renounce war？ People will not face this alternative because it is so difficult to abolish war. The abolition of war will demand distasteful limitations of national sovereignty. But what perhaps impedes understanding of the situation more than anything else is that the term mankind feels vague and abstract. People scarcely realize in imagination that the danger is to themselves and their children and their grandchildren， and not only to a dimly apprehended humanity And so they hope that perhaps war may be allowed to continue provided modern weapons are prohibited. I am afraid this hope is illusory. Whatever agreements not to use hydrogen bombs had been reached in time of peace， they would no longer be considered binding in time of war， and both sides would set to work to manufacture hydrogen bombs as soon as war broke out， for if one side manufactured the bombs and the other did not， the side that manufactured them would inevitably be victorious...
As geological time is reckoned， Man has so far existed only for a very short period one million years at the most. What he has achieved， especially during the last 6，000 years， is something utterly new in the history of the Cosmos， so far at least as we are acquainted with it. For countless ages the sun rose and set， the moon waxed and waned， the stars shone in the night， but it was only with the coming of Man that these things were understood. In the great world of astronomy and in the little world of the atom， Man has unveiled secrets which might have been thought undiscoverable. In art and literature and religion， some men have shown a sublimity of feeling which makes the species worth preserving. Is all this to end in trivial horror because so few are able to think of Man rather than of this or that group of men？ Is our race so destitute of wisdom， so incapable of impartial love， so blind even to the simplest dictates of self-preservation， that the last proof of its silly cleverness is to be the extermination of all life on our planet？ - for it will be not only men who will perish， but also the animals， whom no one can accuse of communism or anticommunism.
I cannot believe that this is to be the end. I would have men forget their quarrels for a moment and reflect that， if they will allow themselves to survive， there is every reason to expect the triumphs of the future to exceed immeasurably the triumphs of the past. There lies before us， if we choose， continual progress in happiness， knowledge， and wisdom. Shall we， instead， choose death， because we cannot forget our quarrels？ I appeal， as a human being to human beings： remember your humanity， and forget the rest. If you can do so， the way lies open to a new Paradise； if you cannot， nothing lies before you but universal death.
我们该选择死亡吗？
伯特兰·罗素
1954年12月30日
我不是作为一个英国人、一个欧洲人、一个西方民主国家的一员，而是作为一个人，作为不知是否还能继续生存下去的人类的一员在讲演。世界充满了争斗：犹太人和阿拉伯人；印度人和巴勒斯坦人；非洲的白人和黑人；以及使所有的小冲突都相形见绌的共产主义和反共产主义之间的大搏斗。
差不多每个有政治意识的人都对这类问题怀有强烈的感受；但是我希望你们，如果你们能够的话，把这份感受暂搁一边，并把自己只看作一种具有非凡历史、谁也不希望它灭亡的生物的一员。可能会迎合一群人而冷落另一群人的词语，我将努力一个字都不说。所有的人，不分彼此，都处在危险之中；如果大家都看到了这种危险，那么就有希望联合起来避开它。我们必须学习新的思想方法。我们必须学习不自问能采取什么措施来使我们所喜欢的人群获得军事上的胜利，因为不再有这样的措施。我们必须自问的问题是：能采取什么措施来避免必然会给各方造成灾难的军事竞赛？
普通群众，甚至许多当权人士，不清楚一场氢弹战所包含的会是什么。普通群众仍旧从城市的毁灭上思考问题。不言而喻，新炸弹比旧炸弹更具威力——一颗原弹能毁灭广岛，而一颗氢弹能毁灭像伦敦、纽约和菲斯科这样的大都市。毫无疑问，一场氢弹战将会毁灭大城市。但这只是世界必须面对的小灾难中的一个。假如化敦人、纽约人和莫斯科人都灭绝了，世界可能要经过几个世纪才能从这场灾难中恢复过来。而我们现在，尤其是从比基尼核试验以来很清楚：氢弹能够逐渐把破坏力扩散到一个比预料要广大得多的地区。据非常权威的人士说，现在能够制造出一种炸弹，其威力比毁灭广岛的炸弹大2.5万倍。这种炸弹如果在近地或水下爆炸，会把放射性微粒送入高层大气。这些微粒逐渐降落，呈有毒灰尘或毒雨的状态到达地球表面。正是这种灰尘使日本渔民和他们所捕获的鱼受到了感染，尽管他们并不在美国专家所确认的危险区之内。没有人知道这种致命的放射性微粒怎么会传播得这么广，但是这个领域的最高权威一致表示：一场氢弹战差不多就是灭绝人类的代名词。如果许多氢弹被使用，死神恐怕就会降临全球——只有少数幸运者才会突然死亡，大多数人却须忍受疾病和解体的慢性折磨……
这里，我要向你提起一个直率的、令人不快而又无法回避的问题：我们该消灭人类，还是人类该抛弃战争？人们不愿面对这个抉择，因为消灭战争太难了。消灭战争要求限制国家主权，这令人反感。然而“人类”这个专门名词给人们的感觉是模糊、抽象的，它可能比任何其他东西都更容易妨碍认识这种形势。人们几乎没有用自己的想象力去认识这种危险不仅指向他们所模模糊糊理解的人类，而且指向他们自己和他们的子子孙孙。于是他们相信只要禁止使用现代武器，也许可以允许战争继续下去。恐怕这个愿望只是幻想。任何不使用氢弹的协定是在和平时期达成的，在战争时期这种协定就被认为是没有约束力的，一旦战争爆发，双方就会着手制造氢弹，因为如果一方制造氢弹而另一方不造的话，造氢弹的一方必然会取胜……
按照地质年代来计算，人类到目前为止只存在了一个极短的时期——最多100万年。在至少就我们所了解的宇宙而言，人类在特别是最近6000年里所达到的认识，在宇宙史上是一些全新的东西。太阳升升落落，月亮盈盈亏亏，夜空星光闪烁，无数岁月就这样过去了，只是到人类出现以后，这些才被理解。在天文学的宏观世界和原子的微观世界，人类揭示了原先可能认为无法提示的秘密。在艺术、文学和宗教领域里，一些人显示了一种崇高的感情，它使人们懂得人类是值得保全的。难道因为很少有人能考虑整个人类多于这个或那个人群，这一切就会在毫无价值的恐怖行动中结束吗？人类是否如此缺少智慧，如此缺少无私的爱，如此盲目，甚至连自我保存的最简单命令都听不见，以致要用灭绝地球上的所有生命来最后证明它那缺乏理智的小聪明？——因为不驻人会被消灭，而且动物也会被消灭，没有人能指责它们是共产主义或反共产主义。
我无法相信结局会是这样。人们如果想让自己生存下去，他们就应暂时忘掉争吵，进行反省，人们有千万条理由期待未来的成就极大地超过以往的成就，如果让我们选择，那么擂在我们面前的有幸福、知识和智慧的持续增长。我们能因为无法忘掉争吵而舍此去选择死亡吗？作为一个人，我向所有的人呼吁：记住你们的人性，忘掉其余的一切。如果你们能这样做，通向一个新的天堂的路就畅通无阻；如果你们做不到这一点，摆在你们面前的就只有全世界的毁灭。
罗斯福于珍珠港被袭的演说
美国总统罗斯福于1941年12月8日日本袭击了珍珠港美国海军基地后对国会和美国人民发表的演说
A date which will live in infamy－国耻日
Franklin D. Roosevelt： "A date which will live in infamy" 8 December 1941
Yesterday， December 7， 1941 - a date which will live in infamy - the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that nation and， at the solicitation of Japan， was still in conversation with its Government and its Emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific. Indeed， one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu， the Japanese Ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to the Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations， it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack.
It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time the Japanese Government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.
The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian Islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. Very many American lives have been lost. In addition American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.
Yesterday the Japanese Government also launched an attack against Malaya. Last night Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong. Last night Japanese forces attacked Guam. Last night Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands. Last night the Japanese attacked Wake Island. This morning the Japanese attacked Midway Island.
Japan has， therefore， undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
As Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy， I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense.
Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us. No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion， the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
I believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.
Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people， our territory and our interests are in grave danger.
With confidence in our armed forces - with the unbounded determination of our people - we will gain the inevitable triumph - so help us God.
I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday， December seventh， a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese Empire."
亚伯拉罕.林肯的葛底斯堡演说词
Gettysburg Address
Delivered on the 19th Day of November， 1863 Cemetery Hill， Gettysburg， Pennsylvania
Fourscore and seven years ago， our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation， conceived in Liberty， and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now， we are engaged in a great Civil War， testing whether that Nation， or any nation so conceived and so dedicated， can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But， in a larger sense， we cannot dedicate， we cannot consecrate， we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men， living and dead， who struggled here， have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here， but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us， the living， rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us； that from these honored dead， we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion； that this Nation， under GOD， shall have a new birth of freedom； and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."
Abraham Lincoln
马丁.路德.金的不朽名篇—I have a dream(中英对照)
"I Have A Dream"
by Martin Luther King
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28， 1963.
Five score years ago， a great American， in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later， we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free.
One hundred years later， the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later， the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later， the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.
So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nations capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence， they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life， liberty， and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation， America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.
So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of Gods children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negros legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end， but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.
We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people， for many of our white brothers， as evidenced by their presence here today， have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone. And as we walk， we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights， "When will you be satisfied？" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies， heavy with the fatigue of travel， cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negros basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No， no， we are not satisfied， and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.
Go back to Mississippi， go back to Alabama， go back to Georgia， go back to Louisiana， go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities， knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today， my friends， that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment， I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed： "We hold these truths to be self-evident： that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi， a desert state， sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression， will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.
I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama， whose governors lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification， will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted， every hill and mountain shall be made low， the rough places will be made plain， and the crooked places will be made straight， and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed， and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together， to pray together， to struggle together， to go to jail together， to stand up for freedom together， knowing that we will be free one day.
This will be the day when all of Gods children will be able to sing with a new meaning， "My country， tis of thee， sweet land of liberty， of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died， land of the pilgrims pride， from every mountainside， let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation， this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania！ Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado！ Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California！ But not only that； let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia！ Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee！ Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside， let freedom ring.
When we let freedom ring， when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet， from every state and every city， we will be able to speed up that day when all of Gods children， black men and white men， Jews and Gentiles， Protestants and Catholics， will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual， "Free at last！ free at last！ thank God Almighty， we are free at last！"
我有一个梦
马丁.路德.金
……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。 我有一个梦：有一天，这个国家将站起来，并实现它的信条的真正含义：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生来平等。”
我有一个梦：有一天，在乔治亚州的红色山丘上，从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。
我有一个梦：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州，将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。
我有一个梦：我的4个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里，在那里，人们不是从他们的肤色，而是从他们的品格来评价他们。
今天我有一个梦想！
我有一个梦：有一天，阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方，那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩，像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。
今天我有一个梦想。
我有一个梦：有一天，每一个峡谷将升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原，弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直，上帝的荣耀得以展露，全人类都将举目共睹。
这是我们的希望，这是信念，带着这个信念我回到南方，怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念，我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音，转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念，我们将能工作在一起，祈祷在一起，奋斗在一起，一起赴监狱，一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道，有一天我们将获自由。
将会有一天，那时，所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱：
我的祖国，
你是自由的乐土。
我为你歌唱：
我的先辈的安葬之地，
让自由的声音，
响彻每一道山岗。
如果说美国是一个伟大的国家，这必须要成真。因此，让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧，让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧！
让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧！
让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧！
但不仅如此，还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧！
让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧！
让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧！在每一道山坡上，让自由之声响起吧！
当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱；
“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”
邱吉尔：热血，汗水和眼泪
邱吉尔在二战初期危难之际就任首相后首次在国会发表的演说
Blood，Sweat and Tears－热血，汗水和眼泪
First Speech as Prime Minister
May 13， 1940
to House of Commons
On May 10， 1940， Winston Churchill became Prime Minister. When he met his Cabinet on May 13 he told them that "I have nothing to offer but blood， toil， tears and sweat." He repeated that phrase later in the day when he asked the House of Commons for a vote of confidence in his new all-party government. The response of Labour was heart-warming； the Conservative reaction was luke-warm. They still really wanted Neville Chamberlain. For the first time， the people had hope but Churchill commented to General Ismay： "Poor people， poor people. They trust me， and I can give them nothing but disaster for quite a long time."
On Friday evening last I received His Majestys commission to form a new yogiyangistration. It as the evident wish and will of Parliament and the nation that this should be conceived on the broadest possible basis and that it should include all parties， both those who supported the late Government and also the parties of the Opposition. I have completed the most important part of this task. A War Cabinet has been formed of five Members， representing， with the Opposition Liberals， the unity of the nation. The three party Leaders have agreed to serve， either in the War Cabinet or in high executive office. The three Fighting Services have been filled. It was necessary that this should be done in one single day， on account of the extreme urgency and rigour of events. A number of other positions， key positions， were filled yesterday， and I am submitting a further list to His Majesty to-night. I hope to complete the appointment of the principal Ministers during to-morrow. the appointment of the other Ministers usually takes a little longer， but I trust that， when Parliament meets again， this part of my task will be completed， and that the yogiyangistration will be complete in all respects.
I considered it in the public interest to suggest that the House should be summoned to meet today. Mr. Speaker agreed， and took the necessary steps， in accordance with the powers conferred upon him by the Resolution of the House. At the end of the proceedings today， the Adjournment of the House will be proposed until Tuesday， 21st May， with， of course， provision for earlier meeting， if need be. The business to be considered during that week will be notified to Members at the earliest opportunity. I now invite the House， by the Motion which stands in my name， to record its approval of the steps taken and to declare its confidence in the new Government.
To form an yogiyangistration of this scale and complexity is a serious undertaking in itself， but it must be remembered that we are in the preliminary stage of one of the greatest battles in history， that we are in action at many other points in Norway and in Holland， that we have to be prepared in the Mediterranean， that the air battle is continuous and that many preparations， such as have been indicated by my hon. Friend below the Gangway， have to be made here at home. In this crisis I hope I may be pardoned if I do not address the House at any length today. I hope that any of my friends and colleagues， or former colleagues， who are affected by the political reconstruction， will make allowance， all allowance， for any lack of ceremony with which it has been necessary to act. I would say to the House， as I said to those who have joined this government： "I have nothing to offer but blood， toil， tears and sweat."
We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many， many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask， what is our policy？ I can say： It is to wage war， by sea， land and air， with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us； to wage war against a monstrous tyranny， never surpassed in the dark， lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask， what is our aim？ I can answer in one word： It is victory， victory at all costs， victory in spite of all terror， victory， however long and hard the road may be； for without victory， there is no survival. Let that be realised； no survival for the British Empire， no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for， no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages， that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all， and I say， "come then， let us go forward together with our united strength."
邱吉尔：我们决不投降(英)
邱吉尔在1941年再次到Harrow School时所作的演讲－我们决不投降』
NEVER GIVE IN， NEVER， NEVER， NEVER
October 29， 1941
Harrow School
当我一口气读完这篇演讲稿时，其中的一句话给我留下极深的印象：when they very slowly make up their minds that the thing has to be done and the job put through and finished， then， even if it takes months - if it takes years - they do it.是啊！联想到我们的英语学习，不也正是需要这种一旦定下目标，就百折不挠努力实现的精神吗？！
When Churchill visited Harrow on October 29 to hear the traditional songs again， he discovered that an additional verse had been added to one of them. It ran：
"Not less we praise in darker days
The leader of our nation，
And Churchills name shall win acclaim
From each new generation.
For you have power in dangers hour
Our freedom to defend， Sir！
Though long the fight we know that right
Will triumph in the end， Sir！
Almost a year has passed since I came down here at your Head Masters kind invitation in order to cheer myself and cheer the hearts of a few of my friends by singing some of our own songs. The ten months that have passed have seen very terrible catastrophic events in the world - ups and downs， misfortunes - but can anyone sitting here this afternoon， this October afternoon， not feel deeply thankful for what has happened in the time that has passed and for the very great improvement in the position of our country and of our home？ Why， when I was here last time we were quite alone， desperately alone， and we had been so for five or six months. We were poorly armed. We are not so poorly armed today； but then we were very poorly armed. We had the unmeasured menace of the enemy and their air attack still beating upon us， and you yourselves had had experience of this attack； and I expect you are beginning to feel impatient that there has been this long lull with nothing particular turning up！
But we must learn to be equally good at what is short and sharp and what is long and tough. It is generally said that the British are often better at the last. They do not expect to move from crisis to crisis； they do not always expect that each day will bring up some noble chance of war； but when they very slowly make up their minds that the thing has to be done and the job put through and finished， then， even if it takes months - if it takes years - they do it.
Another lesson I think we may take， just throwing our minds back to our meeting here ten months ago and now， is that appearances are often very deceptive， and as Kipling well says， we must
"...meet with Triumph and Disaster
And treat those two impostors just the same."
You cannot tell from appearances how things will go. Sometimes imagination makes things out far worse than they are； yet without imagination not much can be done. Those people who are imaginative see many more dangers than perhaps exist； certainly many more than will happen； but then they must also pray to be given that extra courage to carry this far-reaching imagination. But for everyone， surely， what we have gone through in this period - I am addressing myself to the School - surely from this period of ten months this is the lesson： never give in， never give in， never， never， never， never-in nothing， great or small， large or petty - never give in except to convictions of honour and good sense. Never yield to force； never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy. We stood all alone a year ago， and to many countries it seemed that our account was closed， we were finished. All this tradition of ours， our songs， our School history， this part of the history of this country， were gone and finished and liquidated.
Very different is the mood today. Britain， other nations thought， had drawn a sponge across her slate. But instead our country stood in the gap. There was no flinching and no thought of giving in； and by what seemed almost a miracle to those outside these Islands， though we ourselves never doubted it， we now find ourselves in a position where I say that we can be sure that we have only to persevere to conquer.
You sang here a verse of a School Song： you sang that extra verse written in my honour， which I was very greatly complimented by and which you have repeated today. But there is one word in it I want to alter - I wanted to do so last year， but I did not venture to. It is the line -
"Not less we praise in darker days."
I have obtained the Head Masters permission to alter darker to sterner.
"Not less we praise in sterner days."
Do not let us speak of darker days： let us speak rather of sterner days. These are not dark days； these are great days - the greatest days our country has ever lived； and we must all thank God that we have been allowed， each of us according to our stations， to play a part in making these days memorable in the history of our race.
