76 l安邦之道
效性——稳定的民主制度的先决条件——的地方,都不能通过民主实践本
身作为补充的手段(Emerson,1966:7),而是必须通过特别的努力来加强
政府的能力。其次,与其他类型的体制相比,民主体制可能需要一个更有效
的政府作为其基础,因为这样的体制往往允许更多的社会力量参与政治竞
争。非民主体制或许能够在政府建设的低水平上维持下来,而一种发挥作用
且持续稳定的民主制度却只有在存在一套有效的政府机构的情况下才有可能
生存,否则,它就无法面对由于自由化和民主化而带来的新的挑战。最后,
民主化的过程会释放出各种力量,而这些力量往往会对体制本身造成巨大的
压力。例如,极权主义的垮台会引发领土的分裂;公众对政府的信任度会在
新的政治环境中骤然暴跌;不断上升的期望值会压得政府喘不过气来,远远
超出其应对能力,原执政党地位的动摇会使政府和社会陷入混乱,因而形成
权力真空;争取更广泛基础上统一(公民权利扩大的结果)的呼声会使原来
处于朦胧状态的地区、种族、阶级和宗教矛盾趋于明朗化,有时还会引起反
抗t(Przeworski,1995)。
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86 l安邦之道
民族主义与民主
按照伯林(Isaiah Berlin,1979)的说法,民族主义是过去二百年里最
重要的社会政治现象之一。我们完全有理由相信,在可预见的未来,民族主
义依然会扮演举足轻重的角色。因此,无论从历史或比较研究的角度看,中
国民族主义思潮的复兴实在不足为奇。然而,外界对中国民族主义主流看法
却相当负面。不少学者对中国民族主义卷土重来深感忧虑,有些人甚至将它
视为对地区稳定和世界和平的破坏力量(Yu,1996;Sautman,1997:
Friedman,1997;Chang,1998)。有些学者虽然对以上杞人忧天的评价不
愿苟同,但他们对中国民族主义也有重重疑虑,认为它的本N是NN主背道而
驰的。在他们看来,中国民族主义的崛起将不可避免地危害中国民主发展的前
景(He&Guo,2000;Xu,2000)。
不可否认,历史上民族主义思潮往往与反民主运动联系在一起。但本文
的主旨是探讨民族主义中蕴藏的民主潜质。笔者认为,在民族主义和民主之
间并不存在必然的矛盾关系;相反,某些关键的民族主义要素是民主得以顺
利运作的先决条件。过去,有些学者曾经分析过民族主义和民主的理论关
联,但他们要么认为,只有某些特定种类的民族主义才有助于民主;要么认
为,只有在特定的情况下,民族主义才有利于民主(Harris,2002)。本文
的基本论点是,不管是什么样的民族主义,它们都拥有一些共同的要素,而
其中一些要素对民主来说是不可或缺的。
本文分为三部分。第一部分尝试解析各种民族主义,并确定它们的基本
共同结构。第二部分讨论为什么民主运作有赖于某些民族主义要素。最后一
部分讨论中国当代民族主义的特征,并探讨它将如何影响中国民主化的
前景。
民族主义
要定义民族主义并非易事,因为它不是一成不变的现象。在不同的时间
和地点,民族主义可以千变万化。恐怕世界上有多少国家和文化就有多少种
民族主义。为了把握林林总总的民族主义,多数学者倾向把它们分为对立的
I
民族主义与民主f 87
两大类:一类为好民族主义,另一类为坏民族主义。这种二分法的运用至少
可追溯到20世纪30年代Hans Kohn写的那篇著名文章(1939)。自此以
后,关于民族主义的文献充斥着各种各样的对立模式,如东方的与西方的,
种族的与文明的(civic),特定的与普遍的,非自由的与自由的,文化的与
宪制的,反动的与进步的,侵略性的与防卫性的,恶性的与良性的等等,不
一而足。而所有这些二元模式之间并没有必然的内在关联,结果使得民族主
义研究变成了一个“名词的丛林”(Akzin,1964:7)。更严重的是,这类二
分法很容易导致误解,因为无论在哪一种二元模式的两极之间,总是存在一
些非黑即白的概念解释不了的空间。当这些简单的二元模式被视为对现实世
界的准确描述时,政治与历史的实际复杂性便不可避免地被忽略了(Labor。
de,2002)。这种两极思维方式的一个后果是,人们往往为自己认同的那种
民族主义加上褒义词,而对自己不喜欢的那种民族主义大加鞭挞。其实,假
设民族主义非好即坏本身是十分成问题的,因为那些“真实存在的民族主
义”(re_ally existing nationalisms)之间的差别并非如想象中那么清晰、鲜明
和确定。表明看起来不同的民族主义之间也许既存在差异,也存在共同点。在
某种意义上,所有类型的民族主义都是“不稳定混合物”(Spencer&Woll—
man 1998:270),没有绝对的好坏之分。相反,很可能“所有民族主义都集
健康与病态于一身,其遗传密码中包含着进步与反动的基因”(。Nairn 1977:
347—348)。有些时候,本来“好”的民族主义也说不准会变“坏”,反之亦然。
相对于以上的二分法,笔者把对民族主义的研究分为两个层面:首先确
定各类民族主义共有的基本架构,然后再分析其构成要素可能具备的性质。
这种分析方法让我们能够在了解各类民族主义共性的同时,把握其复杂性和
多变性。为了运用这种方法,有必要将民族主义宽泛地定义为一种赋予民族
成员共同身份认同、并激发他们对民族共同体效忠的集体情感。根据这个定
义,民族主义在结构上由四大部分组成。第一是民族成员(national poptda’
tion),也可称之为人民(people),民族(nat:ion),国民整体(nationali—
ty)。民族是一个由历史建构出来的、稳定的群体。无论如何定义,它都是
民族认同(mtional identity)赖以存在的载体。民族认同是一种强烈的情
感,它既能把一个民族的成员团结起来,同时又能把这个民族的成员与其他
民族区隔开来。所以民族情感具有两面性。民族主义的第二个组成部分便是
人民对本民族的心理依恋(】;ksychological attachment)。这种心理依恋以归
属感作基础,往往表现为渴求自尊、同情我族、热爱家园和勇于自卫。然
而,身份认同本身亦同时假设外族的存在。如果没有与“外族”的对比,根
本无法辨别“我族”的身份。所以,对身份认同,我们不能只看其包容性,
还要看到它的排他性(Spencer。&Wollman,2002:58—59)。民族主义的
88 l安邦之道
第三个组成部分就是人们对外族的态度。不论多么温和的民族主义,它总自
觉不自觉地划清本民族与其他民族的界限,将“自己人”与“外人”分开,
并面对如何与外人打交道的问题。民族主义最后一个组成部分是人民对民族